You can take steps to grow your credit score immediately following Chapter 7 bankruptcy. Anytime I hear of a threat to be arrested for defaulting on a loan, a red flag goes up. Prices can be lower than selling them yourself though. Loans For Bad Credit 7 meses. These letters can stipulate when and how a debt collector can contact you. VincentSaW august 4, at 4:
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This is the flexibility that this logbook loan calculator offers to its members. But if you try to stretch your loan payment period, this will create lots of trouble for you in the future. You will have to pay twice or sometimes even thrice than the actual amount that you have to pay.
These books are only for their short term use, so they should be used on a short term period rather than sticking long term to it. How much do you earn? You should ask this question to yourself before applying for the loan. Do you really think that you will be able to pay the weekly loan easily? You must have a stable source of earning to try these loans.
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Fast secure online loans for bad credit. As far as I can see, this is a completely natural meaning of uninhabitable. If the local council declares a dwelling unfit for habitation, do you write an angry letter chastising them for hyperbole assuming that the building did not become extremely radioactive, filled with toxic fumes or otherwise immediately incompatible with life?
If the answer is no, then perhaps you could extend the same charity to SSC comments. I am used to comments like this on contentious issues, where hyperbole is used to say, overstate the plight of the poor, living wage they are not literally dying!
You misread the NPR article. The guy almost took the plea deal, but at the last minute decided as an apparent matter of principle not to. To consider the social value of bail reform you need to factor in the social cost of the crimes that would be committed by the people who get bail. That seems way too high. Since violent crimes include murder and rape I think 30k might be an underestimate. I actually think that, like Scott, most people do not realize just how much time innocent until proven guilty people spend in jail.
It seems like a gross miscarriage of justice, by American standards as I understand them. Edit to avoid nitpicking I understand that the 60 days was a plea deal and he might get more time if found guilty by trial but I think the principles if applied to a hypothetical case where the above is true, still stand.
This seems like a strange way to define value. I would readily concede that I would rather lose a quarter than physically hand it to a homeless person, this says a lot more about how I feel about interacting directly with homeless people than it does about how I value money vs homeless peoples utility. But I assume that people mostly fail to pay relatively small bail amounts because of liquidity constraints, not because they value their freedom at less than this amount.
Of course, I could be mistaken about this. Simply put, there are gains from trade from them hanging out in jail. But this raises a rather interesting question. You're effectively suggesting that society should just pay a certain segment of the population to hang out in jail.
Setting aside the political feasibility of such a proposal, it strikes me as quite ethically wrong, suggesting the calculation went wrong in some fashion. But if you are willing to endorse this proposal, then I will concede the point under your assumptions. Of course, your calculation neglects the expense of incarcerating a person, which is also borne by society.
This suggests that the government should just post bond for accused who can't afford it. I also thought that 30k was an overestimate so I did some googling.
According to this http: Now the cost of keeping someone on minimum security prison according to this https: Making this politically palatable is an exercise to the reader ;.
It seems I implicitely assumed that most people in bail get innocent veredicts. Ignore that last part about labor lost. So, pending further work, I revise my conclusion, bail system seems to be pernicious though maybe for non-obvious reasons. One notable point here: So many people plead down from drug dealing to drug possession, illegal use of a gun to illegal possession of a gun, from robbery to trespassing, etc.
This gives any given public defender an incentive not to antagonize the prosecutor, if they can avoid it. Is it really more work for the public defender? If a PD has 50 cases a week, and all 50 of them choose a plea, does he get to take Friday off? If all 50 cases decide to go to trial, does the PD need to put in a hour week? Do we have any evidence that a world without plea bargaining would lead to less time spent in prison?
Prosecutors have a game-theoretic incentive to overcharge, but they also have an offsetting incentive to drop charges to get the plea bargain.
Without plea bargaining, both incentives would go away. But nominally, America would still have a very large prison population relative to population size: My point is that I think this would be kind of a problem, but not a huge gigantic problem relative to other things.
But equally obviously, nobody who writes for the Atlantic or Vox or whatever believes…well, you know. This might not be true. The high relative imprisonment rate of African Americans would make it politically incorrect to complain about whites be imprisoned at too high a rate.
So I think that, if the white incarceration rate was a big problem by itself, people would be happy to complain about it, as long as they made the appropriate rhetorical sacrifices to the social justice gods first. Although there are 15 other countries with incarceration rates higher than white America, most of them are tiny random islands. The white rate is still about four times the total rate of France, a country not exactly known for its total absence of crime-prone minority groups.
Sure, but I was trying to suggest in point 1 that, even though on paper having an incarceration rate 4x that of France and Canada, 5x that of Ireland, 8x that of Japan, etc. Your inmate figure excludes hispanics, but your total population figure includes them. For hispanics, maybe To continue beating my decentralist drum, I tend to expect lower social capital in larger polities, all else equal, which probably also results in the culture having less of a problem erring on the side of harsh justice.
How do your expectations account for cases like the New England Puritans, where social capital ran very, very, very high, but deviation from strictly-policed communal norms was punished quite harshly? What was the typical punishment for community norm deviation in Puritan New England? Also feel like going back so far in time risks a bit of not apples to apples comparison. There is a very big confounding factor, for example, if the punishment for homosexuality seems insanely harsh by our standards but the people meting it out were also all thoroughly convinced that homosexuality led to the eternal damnation of your immortal soul.
At the same time, I could imagine that same community being less willing to throw its members under the proverbial bus for offenses or suspicion of offenses not deemed threatening to the community ethos hence witchcraft is a better false accusation to level in such a community than, say, theft, in addition to having the advantage of being hard to prove or disprove.
By contrast, 4 countries in the top ten are island states with a pop. One would have to measure average rate of imprisonment on smaller population countries versus higher population countries to see if mr onyomi claim holds water.
My impression is that most of the homicides involving whites were crimes of passion, often murder-suicides, where the killer had little chance of getting away. Witness-murdering happened every couple of months or so in South Central. It could be that the handful of very white states like Vermont and Wyoming could afford to have laxer laws but the whole process got federalized a long time ago.
I had no idea criminal prosecutors were usually private hires until long after the Constitution was written. Stuntz also considers how things could have and in other countries, actually have gone differently, e. With unfortunate, perverse results when you look at the role judges end up playing in the process. I kind of regret some of the tone.
Lots of room here for someone to figure out how you evaluate, from an effective altruism model, an effort to pass a ballot initiative to split over-size prosecutor offices into smaller ones… or even measure whether this is part of the problem.
Anybody want to hazard some sources or methods for figuring out if being from a county with relative homogeneity for race and class makes you less likely to end up in jail, as opposed to being a poor person from a county with a highly heterogeneous-for-race-and-class community? The people on the wrong side of the tracks, of course, had a different outlook…. Blacks who can qualify as police officers are much in demand in modern American: Specifically, this same dynamic emerged at another time: Irish incarceration spiked during the years after the potato famine caused a surge in Irish immigration and consequent racist and economic isolation of many young Irish men, for whom desperate circumstances had predictable consequences.
Glenn Loury recently interviewed the author. Plus, for the right professor, using this tool well can be a straight-forward way to show one is a reflective student, not a memory bucket. A lot of people are classified as white whom you might not expect to be classified as white see linked picture. As you note above, people who are convicted of crimes are typically given credit for time served.
This may still be a good thing—as you point out, pre-trial detention can be worse than post-conviction imprisonment. But I think it does throw off the numbers you cite. Which in turn raises the question of whether this is the most cost-efficient way to prevent convictions.
So he spends X days waiting for trial. At trial or, more realistically, when he pleads guilty Joe is sentenced to six months. The X days count as part of the six months, so Joe has to serve six months minus X days, for a total time in jail of six months.
Scenario 2 Joe is arrested and the Bronx Freedom Fund pays his bail. He spends 0 days in jail waiting for trial. He has no time served to count against that sentence, so he spends a total of six months in jail after getting sentenced.
So, either way, Joe spends the same number of days in jail assuming he gets the same sentence. I see, good point. Although this is assuming the sentence will inevitably involve jail time. But as to crimes where a jail sentence is likely, I think the issue I pointed out changes the analysis a lot. What it means is that the only effect this intervention has on days-in-jail occurs because its a good way to help people avoid being convicted or cause them to be sentenced to a lower term of imprisonment.
But there are a lot of competing interventions that have the goal of reducing the days-in-jail by reducing sentence length or odds of conviction. Most obviously, better funding for public defenders is a competitor intervention that reduces total days-in-jail by reducing sentence length or odds of conviction. I know of one case where that happened. Friend of mine spent 6 months in psychiatric review or whatever its called pretrial.
Prosecutor offered time served and the judge shot it down on the grounds that he had to have some additional punishment after pleading out. That seems to happen a lot in my country, possibly also because people can get compensation for the time they spent incarceration innocently.
So if the final sentence is the same as time spend in jail pre-trial, the judge will save the government money. Even if the suspect is actually guilty and the sort of scoundrel that we need to punish severely, that particular sort of punishment seems almost perversely calculated to maximize the probabiliyy of recidivism.
So, using the numbers we have: This is a very good point. If the main fear is them running away. Would be interesting to look at how successful these are for their cost. Those systems were probably developed during the era when the landline was king, and using a radio signal to a base station was the best way to determine location in consumer electronics.
Now, GPS is a thing, and the anklet itself should be able to talk directly to a cell tower. In general, new technology should be lowering the crime rate every year. Can you elaborate on this?
I think the idea is that Ferguson caused a top-down change in urban policing approaches which led to an increase in violent crime — see Wikipedia. The homicide rate has shot up in heavily black cities since , especially in cities like Baltimore and Chicago with large scale Black Lives Matter protests. With regard to the comparison between BFF and AMF, and the issue of preventing suffering vs preserving life, keep in mind that a portion of the good from preventing malaria is in reducing suffering for survivors, not just in preventing deaths due to the disease.
Why do we allow bail bondsman? Like, the way it works without bail bondsman in theory is that the judge picks a an amount of money that the defendant would be reluctant to lose by running off. But then bail bondsmen enter the picture. So, naturally, the judge thinks that the bail needs to be higher.
But, of course, the state could just pay private bounty hunters. Is this all just a sneaky way to privatise hunting for bail jumpers without admitting to it? Or am I missing something? I thought the smaller amount you paid to the bail bondsmen was non-refundable. Not sure if they can then charge you additional money if you fail to show, might vary by state. The only reason to show up is that someone will come after you and drag you back, and things will be worse for you after they do.
I, for example, got a bail so ridiculously high no bail number listed in this post gets up to even a fraction of it. I feel like something crooked is going on. The bail bondsman has a strong financial incentive to accurately determine who will or will not skip bail. Depending on your goals, one of those incentives will lead to better outcomes than the other. When I got bail one time I was pretty shaken by what I was inviting a bounty hunter to do: So they do have the ability to be much more effective that cops could.
I had to of course pay fees to be held at the station overnight when I was arrested. So the station made some money, the defender made some money, the bondsman made some money.
Since you now have added private bounty hunters, the probability of people jumping bail goes down, and the number of people who jump bail who are then caught goes up. My impression is that private bounty hunters are way better than the police, because the police have other things to do. However, now that lower amount of money is lost whereas previously you could get it back because it pays for private bounty hunters. It seems almost Pareto-better to have the state hire more police, and then for the police to work on whatever public safety thing seems most important, which may be searching for people who skipped out on bail.
The problem is that there are two competing things going on with police: Increasing the number of cops beyond their current numbers does not automatically provide labor to replace bounty hunters because of this tension. In the beginning, the defendant paid his own bail.
But sometimes a relative would put up the money. Eventually the lenders started skipping the relatives and loaning the money directly to defendants. So each step seems reasonable, but then you get bail bondsmen in the end, which seems a bit weird. The libertarian in me sees the incarceration numbers as abnormal, hates the drug war, suspects that the state is up to no good and is probably harassing a lot of fundamentally decent people, etc.
Even if I concede that some of them are innocents being punished for no good reason, SOME of them are surely guilty.
Why should I give my money to a cause that helps a decent amount of probably-guilty people when the amount of bad hombres benefiting from my malaria nets is assuredly much lower?
Does anyone have a good response to this? This is the antithesis of effective altruism: Per this post there is no real evidence that letting people be free pre-trial would significantly increase the harm they do to others. The BFF gives even more favorable figures: Unless some dope pays to reduce their odds of ending up in prison that is…. I suppose they could also be guilty and get away with it, in which case they dodged some unauthorized punishment in the form of being jailed pre-trial.
But I would reconsider IF such a charity existed and promised to pay bail for those accused of victimless crimes only. I would happily contribute to paying bail for anyone whose sole charges were things like drugs, prostitution, gambling, firearms possession, etc. But I am not particularly interested in doing so for those accused of theft, assault, vandalism, etc. You could make a similar argument about the right to legal counsel and the resultant system of public defenders:.
Even conceding that some of them are innocents being wrongfully punished, SOME of them are surely guilty. Why should we secure for ourselves the right to legal counsel, if that helps a decent amount of probably-guilty people, when our efforts constitutional and otherwise could be better spent elsewhere? For example, by sending our public defenders to aid people in legal battles not pertaining to their having been accused of crimes.
Of course, by this standard any positive amount helps; the aim is presumably to anchor donations at some kind of optimal point. I wondered about that too. The bail system does seem pretty stupid, to be honest. I have to say, though, that none of the studies really convinced me that getting off on bail helps your case in any significant way. Do the stricter judges that assign bail not also hear your subsequent case?
Can you actually not pay the bail yourself? How does that work? Or does being in jail sort of shut that whole thing down? And worth noting that this is presumably one question out of many in a lengthy survey which most people want to complete reasonably quickly. My guess is that making bail is the absolute emergency to end all emergencies. Whoops — I should have read page Bail is a little like homelessness, which in practice is often a test of whether anybody you know would let you crash on their couch for awhile.
If they want proof that Bill Gates will show up, they ask for a billion dollars. Those kind of Bonfire of the Vanities-type stories are less depressing than the typical arrest. Remember, the right is defined by their belief in personal responsibility over systemic causes. Consequently, criminals are dehumanized, in the textbook sense of the word.
Part of coming to a negotiated solution that is agreeable to all parties is recognizing that there will be negative consequences to any solution, in this case, regarding crime as either a personal or a systemic problem.
Drug abuse is a risk, and a risk with negative consequences both to the user and the people around them. The more the costs of those risks are borne by others, the more incentive people have to push that risk away using the blunt instrument of law. Long, but worth reading for anyone interested in these issues. I dropped the whole file in my long list of things to read in full, but this is currently only a partial response. Their plan for regulation of hard drugs is two parts massive optimism and one part question avoiding.
Sure, and some people currently choose cocaine instead of crack. Anyone who has watched The Wire knows that the demand goes where the potency goes. They adopted specific strategies to obfuscate the fact that they had weak product. Joe Crackhead wants 5 units of crack on Tuesday, but Government Bureaucrat is only allowed to sell him 3 units. When he goes back to sucking dick in order to buy the remaining two units off the black market, are you going to arrest any of the parties involved?
Will you let those cops carry guns in case any of the parties gets violent? Regarding Joe Crackhead trying to buy more than legal limits, they are pretty clear that some activities would need to remain prohibited, including those involving violence. But most cocaine users are not Joe Crackhead, and reducing the harms associated with the illegal market supply the otherwise non-problematic consumers would be worthwhile — as they put it on p.
Regarding the possibility of increased use … well, yes, we would expect use to rise. But we would also expect average harm per instance of use to drop, and to drop considerably when we consider that legal regulation would allow more safe preparations to come to market, purity and dosage controls etc, before you even consider the harms to others that would be avoided by the most lucrative sector of the black market being largely taken out of the hands of criminals and terrorists.
As they say, they favour a cautious, phased introduction, and if it becomes apparent that the use of a drug under legal regulation is so much more disastrous for society than the harms caused by that drug being supplied by the criminal market, then that drug, or that version of the drug can continue to be prohibited. But it is at least plausible that, say, the ongoing carnage in Mexico, the rivers of cash flowing to the Taliban, the questionable commitment to human rights and the rule of law shown by the current president of the Philippines , etc, are too high a price to pay to combat a problem that could be managed at the cost of far less blood if we were only willing to let governments regulate the market so as to optimise for public health, and let non-criminals enter the market where they can be expected to behave more responsibly.
Of course, you can detail all kinds of harms that flow from the black market. I never disputed that those exist. If not, why not? Under alcohol prohibition, whiskey was cheaper than beer because it was easier to smuggle higher-concentration illegal substances.
When alcohol was re-legalized the economics no longer favored higher-concentration substances. Post-prohibition it no longer mattered so much to smugglers that they have a large arrest risk per unit volume of alcohol or to bar proprietors that they have a large arrest risk per sale or per unit time the bar is serving alcohol so a huge economic incentive to ship and consume harder drugs is removed.
Buying alcohol did get cheaper — and more people did consume — but buying less potent alcohol beer and wine got much cheaper relative to the price of more potent alcohol. So economic incentives led to lighter drinking post-Prohibition.
That problem also went away with the end of prohibition. Under alcohol prohibition competing distributors who got into business conflicts sometimes resolved them using machine guns instead of lawsuits.
After heroin was made illegal the drug became so expensive that shooting up became the preferred delivery method, adding a great many additional negative health effect possibilities HIV, infections… which would mostly go away again if it were made legal.
Portugal decriminalized all drugs in — sales was still illegal, but possession and use stopped being considered a criminal matter. This experiment went extremely well and the harm done by drug use has not increased — overdose deaths are less common there than almost any other country.
Spain and Italy have also decriminalized drug use, and have similarly not seen any negative effect in terms of increased drug harms. My theory says that decriminalization should have a similar kind of effect as legalization. There are current efforts to make pot production legal there as well. Do you know of any examples to the contrary?
Make your argument without this, please. Pretty much everyone looks at that data and sees what they already thought. People on both sides pick out particular stats with lots of qualifiers attached. The other case countries are similar. Also note that if you want to make the alcohol comparison, historians believe that the effects of prohibition on consumption extended a couple decades after repeal, soo….
After heroin was made illegal the drug became so expensive that shooting up became the preferred delivery method. If the most demand was for low-potency heroin, surely the black market is capable of providing it, no? Alcohol can easily be manufactured in common concentrations that span a twenty-fold difference in volume. Given the quantity that must be consumed for the desired effect, that can be a significant barrier to smuggling. This is not the case for heroin.
It is not significantly more difficult to smuggle your proposed pills of low-potency heroin. Instead, what is the vastly more likely explanation for this phenomenon is that like many other markets the demand for these drugs follows a Pareto distribution. In a world where the only heroin available is low-potency Bayer pills, these are the folks who smash up 20 pills to consume in a moment… or maybe they alter the substance on their own in order to change the delivery mechanism. Not only does it make them the most money, but it reduces the number of customers they must interact with, which reduces their chance of being arrested.
Low-potency users substitute with other, readily-available substances anyway. It is exceedingly unlikely that removing drug prohibition is going to simply solve the issue of problem users. Let me break my rule about comparing prohibitions, so that I can appropriately blow your mind — prohibition of alcohol is a great example.
Death rates from cirrhosis and alcoholism, alcoholic psychosis hospital admissions, and drunkenness arrests all declined steeply during the latter years of the s, when both the cultural and the legal climate were increasingly inhospitable to drink, and in the early years after National Prohibition went into effect. They rose after that, but generally did not reach the peaks recorded during the period to After Repeal, when tax data permit better-founded consumption estimates than we have for the Prohibition Era, per capita annual consumption stood at 1.
They just added to their business. Prohibition of marijuana is different from alcohol one way this is true is that alcohol can be made from just about any food. Prohibition of either is different from heroin. Is that a revised projection, AMF getting worse, or low hanging fruit having been picked, possibly due to better funding?
I would love to get more clarity on this. Here are their evaluations and here is their spreadsheet calculations. These are different things. Because there are so many criminals, giving them all trials means they have to wait, and some of them will naturally prefer to plead guilty than sit in jail for two years awaiting trial, particularly if they have a low chance of winning. If so, no, not the way to go. Or are you suggesting stupid laws are leading to lots of people being thrown in prison?
If so, see the nifty infographic. Most people in prison, are there for murder, rape, robbery, assault, burglary or theft. Murders and assaults over drug territory or disputes over payment in drug transactions, robberies, burglaries and thefts to obtain money for drugs which, granted, would still happen with legal drugs, but with lower prices might happen less. That is a very good question that deserves a quantitative answer. Total number in prison has little to do with total number of court cases.
If you are convicted of murder you are relatively unlikely to be back in court for other charges in the long term. People with traffic violations, drug arrests and other minor offenses tend to make up most of the actual arrests. Unvetted link claims almost 11 million arrests nation wide, with , being violent crime, 1. Stripping away many of the lower classes of crimes especially non violent drug crime would relieve a huge amount of pressure from the entire judicial system, without even taking into account to what the nybbler above talks about.
After being picked up, assessed a small large fine and missing days of work they are released back into the general population. This has two effects. Lost wages, fine and possible lost job negatively impacts immediate finances and future potential earnings. Employees not showing up is an obvious harm for employers, but minor drug charges are frequently worse because employees that become friends, hang out, and do drugs together have a high chance of getting arrested together.
They unemployed are far more likely to be arrested. Reducing causes of UE will likely lead to lower crime rates. There are additional probable knock off effects.
Sentence length is often determined by prior records. In some areas 3 strike laws it is mandatory that prior offenders get longer sentences. Shorter sentences means a lower prison population. Any criminal behavior that stems from time in prison meeting and associating with career criminals probably increases future crime rates will be reduced, further cutting the crime rate. Link to the persons arressted page where it specifically says. The highest number of arrests were for drug abuse violations estimated at 1,, arrests , driving under the influence estimated at 1,, , and larceny-theft estimated at 1,, As the crime rate has gone down in this century, prosecutors have had more time for jury trials so they are less likely to plea bargain down to a light sentence than during the peak crime era in the late 20th Century.
Not as much, because the bail bondsmen are providing a service to the court by ensuring people show up for trial. From this article, for example:. And even if incriminating statements by a suspect are always solid evidence, it seems odd that we should gate off access to those statements by how rich the suspect is. The video is worth watching. A cynical person like myself might think that prisoners are extorted to claim that other prisoners confessed.
Took the words out of my mouth. Why should the condition that makes guilty people more likely to be convicted be applied disproportionately to people who are broke? What if people who make the kind of bad decisions which lead to being broke are more likely to also make bad decisions like committing crimes? Your options change pretty dramatically once you are in prison.
Lots of other compounding factors are possible like getting arrested out of state. I do worry that sentences are really, really long.
Instead, my guess is that Senator Blowhard felt that he could score some points being Tough On Crime by making the sentences for some crime longer. I can think of four justifications for jail time: The last is big for a lot of people, but probably not for people around here. Though I will admit that I would get utility from knowing that e. The first and second are probably quite important. Jail is a subcategory of punishment, for which five major purposes are generally identified.
AIUI, rehabilitation used to be more prevalent before public US opinion turned strongly away from mental institutions. The utilitarian and consequentalist in me favor both. But this is not something I follow closely. My impression is that there are a fair number of rehabilitation-oriented programs in prisons. In particular, a lot of guys who dropped out of high school before going to prison end up getting GEDs inside, and that probably helps them get a job when they get out.
I knew a guy who got sent to one after getting arrested for forging prescriptions to get opiods. According to the lawcomic guy , rehabilitation is tricky because the vast majority of people who can be or want to be rehabilitated are automatically rehabilitated by any contact with the criminal justice system. Any contact is enough to wake somebody up to the fact that this is real life, this really matters and they need to keep their noses clean.
Not being arrested is not the same as not re-offending. Between the semi random nature of arrests and the ability of people to learn how to hide their behavior to avoid future arrests this conclusion is really unwarranted with the data presented, pun intended. Why do you think those policies were responsible for the crime wave?
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